Thursday, November 10, 2005

About the riots in France

The Arc de Triomphe did not reek of victorious glory. The view from the Eiffel Tower did not seem too serene. The bastion of nationalism and culture seemed to recoil in reflection, rather than swell with pride.

It's not quite 1789 all over again. Even so, the streets of France burned.

Riots that started in French suburbs 12 days ago have exposed a social structure that is imperfect at best and deeply fractured at worst.

Burning cars have been extinguished, but it will take more than water to extinguish the feelings of intense frustration.

The riots started in Parisian suburbs where most of the population is comprised of African and Muslim immigrants.

The violence began as a protest over the deaths of two north African youths who were electrocuted while jumping over a fence surrounding a high-voltage transformer. Relatives allege that the youths were running from the police.

Of course, it didn't help that French interior minister and President Jacques Chirac's heir-impatient Nicolas Sarkozy used words like "scum" and "thugs" to describe the rioters.

Several lessons emerge from these riots.

First, immigration does not work without integration. African and Arab rioters in France complain about discrimination and second-class status.

The moment employers notice their non-French names or their addresses, they are not considered for jobs. The unemployed youth often live and socialize together. Their intense isolation can be understood by observing that the rioters are not immigrants, but second- and third-generation French-born children of immigrants.

The second lesson is about national identity. France has about 6 million Muslims, mainly of African descent, with ethnic minorities comprising 10 percent of its population.

It is possible that the fear of losing France's traditional white European identity caused voters to reject the European Union constitution earlier this year. Similar inferences are being drawn from France's opposition to admitting Turkey into the EU.

Immigration at its best is a dual process. Immigrants become part of their adopted culture and acquire its identity. Simultaneously, they add their own identity, reshaping culture in their new homeland.

Somehow the French lost the script on this one. If new entrants are persecuted and seen as a threat, they will never become part of the national identity.

Fortunately, French Prime Minister Dominique de Villepin has shown common sense in his response. He called the incidents, "a crisis in France's cities." He outlined a clear plan to help rectify the social structure.

The prime minister intends to send police reinforcements to curb violence and investigate the deaths of the two teenagers. He also proposed scholarships and job training for children of immigrants, lowering the age kids can take on apprenticeships and unspecified measures to counter discrimination in the job market.

Rather than deliver handouts to rioters and keep them at bay, he intends to bring them into the mainstream and assimilate into French society.

This Article appeared in the State Press

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